US aggressors should know that Venezuela is not a colony

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Venezuelan armed forces with S-300V, Buk and Pechora-2M surface-to-air missile systems near Caracas

‘VENEZUELA is not a colony and any US aggression will be met with united regional response,’ President Nicolas Maduro said on Wednesday.

Tensions are escalating dramatically amid US President Donald Trump’s military build-up in the Caribbean and sabre-rattling.
The Trump administration has radically pivoted from a policy of sanctions and diplomatic pressure to one of overt military confrontation, framing its actions under the banner of a ‘war on drugs’.
This strategic shift has been heavily influenced by hawkish figures within the administration, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who have been advocating for a more belligerent approach that sidelines pragmatic considerations like the oil deals previously negotiated.
The US government has made serious but unsubstantiated accusations against President Maduro, designating him and key military figures as part of the ‘Cartel de los Soles’, a so-called narco-trafficking network, and has even placed a multi-million dollar bounty on Maduro’s head.
These provocative actions have been compounded by a series of direct military moves, including the deployment of a significant naval task force to the Caribbean, featuring advanced assets like the USS Gerald R Ford carrier group, F-35 stealth fighters, and a nuclear submarine.
The situation has been further militarised by confirmed US airstrikes on vessels in international waters that Washington alleges are involved in drug smuggling, resulting in dozens of casualties and which United Nations experts have condemned as illegal extrajudicial executions.
This overt military posturing has been matched by confirmed covert actions, with Trump himself acknowledging CIA operations inside Venezuela, a move that suggests a comprehensive campaign aimed at ‘regime change’ in Caracas.
In response, the Maduro government has mobilised its own defences, declared hundreds of ‘battlefronts’, and sought to deepen its strategic alliance with Russia, ratifying a new partnership agreement that signals a clear alignment with a major US adversary.
Critics of the US approach argue that the ‘narco-terrorism’ justification is a thin pretext for a wider imperialist project, noting that Venezuela is not a primary transit route for cocaine entering the US and produces no fentanyl, thereby exposing the underlying motivations of securing control over Venezuela’s vast oil reserves and enforcing a neoconservative ideology.
The hawkish US policy has drawn significant domestic and international criticism for its potential to trigger a catastrophic humanitarian disaster, displace millions more people, and violate international law without a congressional declaration of war, recklessly prioritising regime change over regional stability and diplomatic solutions.
In the face of American threats, Venezuela has vowed to stand firm against any bullying. In his remarks earlier this week, Maduro said the US is ‘fabricating a new eternal war’ against him.
‘They are fabricating an extravagant narrative, a vulgar, criminal and totally fake one,’ Maduro said in a national broadcast. ‘Venezuela is a country that does not produce cocaine leaves.’
The South American country possesses a layered and technologically diverse air defence network that would present a formidable challenge to any potential military aggression.
The cornerstone of this defensive shield is the Russian-made S-300VM system, a highly capable long-range surface-to-air missile platform that forms the strategic backbone of the Bolivarian Army’s anti-access capabilities.
With an engagement range exceeding 200 kilometres, the S-300VM can threaten a wide array of high-value aerial assets, including fighter aircraft, surveillance planes like the AWACS, and even aerial refuelling tankers, forcing US pilots to operate at a significant distance or risk engagement.
This system is complemented at the medium-range tier by the Buk-M2E, a highly mobile and autonomous surface-to-air system that is particularly effective against low-flying aircraft, unmanned drones, and cruise missiles, and its proven combat performance in other theatres underscores its lethal potential.
The deployment of the USS Gerald R Ford carrier strike group to the waters near Venezuela provides the US military with a formidable platform for launching rapid, precision strikes using carrier-based aircraft and Tomahawk cruise missiles from escorting destroyers.
This forward deployment signals a clear and immediate campaign aimed at crippling Venezuelan command centres, air defence sites, and critical infrastructure.
The presence of Marine Corps F-35B stealth fighters in Puerto Rico further enhances this capability, offering a penetrating strike and reconnaissance asset designed to operate in contested airspace, though these very aircraft are likely already being tracked by Venezuelan radar as they patrol the coast.
The stated US objective of countering ‘narcotics trafficking’, however, serves as a strategically misleading and legally contentious justification for a military build-up of this magnitude, one that appears disproportionately large for targeting illicit drug shipments and instead aligns more closely with a strategy of regime change.
This aggressive posture risks triggering a regional conflagration that could draw in other actors and destabilise neighbouring countries like Colombia and Brazil, which would bear the brunt of a new wave of refugees fleeing the violence.
The recent strengthening of military ties between Caracas and Moscow introduces an additional layer of strategic complexity, potentially providing Venezuela with enhanced intelligence sharing, technical support, and diplomatic backing that could complicate US operational planning.
Within the US, the hawkish policy is not universally endorsed, facing criticism from figures who point to the lack of concrete evidence, the absence of congressional authorisation, and the haunting echoes of past military quagmires like Iraq.
The Venezuelan military’s strategy appears focused not on achieving victory in a prolonged, all-out war with the United States, but on imposing a significant tactical cost during the initial phases of any intervention.
By leveraging its mobile and layered air defences, Venezuela aims to degrade US air superiority, delay the establishment of a permissive environment for sustained operations, and potentially down American aircraft in the early hours of a conflict.
The goal of such a deterrent posture is to raise the perceived political and human price of an invasion to a level that US policymakers would find unacceptable, thereby preventing an attack through the credible threat of a painful and protracted confrontation.
The ongoing crisis thus represents a dangerous game of brinkmanship, where the motivations for intervention are questioned by many, the defensive capabilities of the target nation are substantial, and the potential for miscalculation on both sides threatens to plunge the region into a devastating conflict with unforeseeable humanitarian and geopolitical consequences.

  • A US federal agent attempted to recruit Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro’s personal pilot, General Bitner Villegas, in a covert plan to divert the president’s plane into American custody.

The plot, led by Homeland Security Investigations agent Edwin Lopez, offered the pilot immense wealth and protection in exchange for secretly diverting Maduro’s plane to a location where US forces could seize him, the news agency added.
Despite initial contact and months of encrypted communication, Villegas never agreed to the plan.
The operation, which spanned over a year, resembled a Cold War-era espionage effort with secret airport meetings, hidden recordings and coded Whatsapp messages.
It also highlighted the length to which Washington has gone to unseat Maduro, who US officials accuse of sheltering drug traffickers, an allegation categorically rejected by Venezuela.
Under President Donald Trump’s renewed hardline approach, the US has also intensified military and intelligence operations against Venezuela, including alleged anti-narcotics strikes in the Caribbean that killed dozens.
The administration also authorised CIA covert actions inside Venezuela and raised the bounty on Maduro’s arrest to $50 million.
Lopez invoked that bounty in messages to Villegas, urging him to ‘be Venezuela’s hero’.