MARWAN al Barghouthi, the Fatah leader is currently serving a life sentence in an Israeli jail.
In an interview with the Lebanese newspaper Al Shira he answered a number of questions about the Palestinian struggle.
He was asked: ‘How do you envisage the future working relationship between President Mahmud Abbas (Abu Mazen) who is affiliated with the Fatah Movement and a Hamas-led government in the light of Israel’s unilateral policy and the international boycott of the Hamas government?
He replied: ‘I consider that the building of democratic Palestinian institutions consolidates the Palestinian struggle and leads to the solidification of the partnership between the various powers.
‘The presidential, local, and legislative elections are an achievement that is a source of pride for the Palestinians and a badge of honour for Fatah adherents because it is their movement that has pioneered and founded this democratic structure. . .
‘In my estimation, the possibility of returning to the negotiating table and the so-called peace process has dwindled considerably, if not completely.
‘This has been the case, especially since Camp David and Ehud Barak’s declaration that “there is no Palestinian partner.” Ariel Sharon adopted this statement and made it his mantra, and embarked on the liquidation of the PA, including its president Yasser Arafat.
‘There seems to exist a general consensus in Israel regarding the strategy of unilateral solutions that ignore the Palestinians altogether.
‘Israel’s recourse to such a strategy stems from its reluctance to accept a solution that will give the Palestinians the minimum level of their inalienable national rights.
‘Unilateral steps will not lead to stability, security, or peace. Peace can only be attained by an end to the occupation and a complete Israeli withdrawal from the Palestinian areas occupied in 1967; the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, with Jerusalem as its capital; and the guarantee and implementation of the right of return of the Palestine refugees.’
He was asked: ‘Will Hamas be able to reconcile between the logic of the continuation of armed resistance with the logic of the PA and the political process?’
In his reply he said: ‘The fact is that Fatah was able to reconcile between the political, the diplomatic, the negotiations, and the control of the PA, on the one hand, and resistance and the intifada, on the other, bolstered by international legitimacy as well as laws and resolutions pertaining to Palestine.
‘Will Hamas be capable of doing the same? The immediate future will tell. In my view, Hamas must hold on to the resistance option and reject free concessions, although it is going to find great difficulty combining between the PA and resistance.’
He was asked: ‘What does Hamas’ new position signal when it talks, for the first time, about the possibility of coexistence with Israelis within two states on the bases of a long-term truce?’
He replied: ‘There is a consensus among all the Palestinian forces and factions that the goal of the Palestinian people at this historical juncture is the establishment of an independent, fully sovereign state within the borders of 1967, with its capital Jerusalem, and the exercise of the right of return for all the Palestine refugees.
‘This is what was agreed upon in the Cairo Declaration, which is an indirect acceptance of the principle of the two-state solution.
‘In a message to the UN, the new PA Foreign Minister, Mahmoud al-Zahhar, reportedly talked about a two-state solution, and the leaders of Hamas have reacted positively to the principles of peace as put forward by the Arab countries.
‘I think Hamas and its government are looking for reciprocation and a price for their agreement to any political move. They are right to insist on a genuine reciprocation; it is neither acceptable nor logical to give free concessions.’
He was asked: ‘How do you envisage getting out of prison in the light of rumours that you may be included in a prisoners exchange between Israel and Hezbollah?
Barghouthi replied: ‘First of all, let me stress that my major preoccupation remains the freedom of the Palestinian people, and I hope – even believe – that the moment is close at hand when they will obtain freedom, independence, and the right of return.
‘The liberation of Gaza is but the beginning of the end of this protracted occupation. I am certain that those who have succeeded in forcing the occupiers out the Gaza Strip are able to do the same in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
‘The occupation is living its final stages and the Israeli attempts to salvage it are bound to meet with failure.
‘It is difficult to really savour personal freedom unless the Palestinian people have achieved freedom first. In the past few decades, several prisoner exchange deals have taken place, and I am deeply confident that our people will not forget or abandon their prisoners.
‘Nor can I envision a Palestinian leader or government signing an agreement that does not stipulate the release of all prisoners – whose number is growing by the day – and leaves them hostages in the occupier’s hands.’
He was asked: ‘The absence of Arafat has, among other things, resulted in a leadership crisis in Fatah. Will the new generation of leaders be capable of filling this vacuum and solving the looming crisis?’
He replied: ‘Arafat’s martyrdom has caused a big void both in Fatah and nationally. He is a symbol and an irreplaceable leader and I would have wished he would have accepted to hold the 6th conference of the Fatah Movement before his untimely demise.
‘We tried hard, I and other leaders and cadres of the movement, to convince him to do it, as no conference had been held in over two decades.
‘In my view, it is the cause of the failings and stagnation of Fatah. The outcome of the latest legislative elections is but one of the results of having failed to hold the conference, added to that is the absence of organisation and cohesion within the movement, and the lack of innovation on the leadership level.
‘This has led many prominent and capable leaders and cadres both from the homeland and the Diaspora to choose not to form part of the leadership councils.
‘We are anticipating a conference that will embody the unity of the movement and will consolidate its position as the leader of the Palestinian national struggle. The time has come to open the doors for a young generation of activists which can be entrusted with the leadership institutions of the movement.’
He was asked: ‘Is the trend, represented by Marwan Barghouthi, within Fatah still alive? And what is your vision for getting Fatah out of its crisis?
He replied: ‘We believe in the necessity of consolidating the democratic system among Fatah and the Palestinian people, and in the importance of the partnership between the generations and between the Palestinians in the homeland and the Diaspora.’
He was asked: ‘How do you anticipate the Palestinians, the PA, and the Hamas government will be able to get out of the present crisis?’
Barghouthi replied: ‘There is no doubt that the Palestinians are facing a siege that is growing tighter by the day.
‘They are slipping into chaos on the internal and security levels, and are struggling with a multiplicity of programs and strategies.
‘They will soon be facing a dangerous challenge with the Israeli government’s attempt at an imposed solution.
‘They will also have to find ways and mechanisms to counter that, to revive their relations with the international community and to garner its support, and to hold on to the gains they have acquired so far.
‘The way out of this crisis, as I see it, is to immediately embark on a strategic dialogue on the highest level between the leaderships of Fatah and Hamas in order to reach a memorandum of understanding or a strategic agreement between the two movements.
‘The next step would be to present the agreement and to enter into a dialogue with all the forces, factions and figures to sound out their opinion.
Subsequently, a national conference should be held with the participation of Palestinian leadership from the homeland and the Diaspora.
‘This document will have the advantage of representing all the figures without exception, and includes the incorporation of Hamas and Islamic Jihad within the PLO.
‘Therefore, what is needed is the rebuilding of the PLO institutions and the restructuring of its councils. In addition, a clear-cut mechanism of negotiation between the presidency and the government has to be put in place, as well as a well-defined relationship between the various resistance elements, which will include the creation of a united resistance front.
‘Finally, the government has to be formed anew, with the participation of all the forces, and the proviso that this should take place within a period of not more than three months.’
