BLAIR’S call for Thatcherism throughout Europe has won him the immediate support of all Tories and right wingers, even those who had been portraying themselves as being fanatically anti-EU, valuing British sovereignty more than life itself.
With one bound he has become the leader of the right wing, the Tories, the Blairites in the Labour Party, and even the UKIP.
The leader of UKIP (The United Kingdom Independence Party), Nigel Farage, said yesterday after Blair’s Brussels speech: ‘If you can reform the European Union, Mr Blair, then I may even change my mind, I may even think it’s worth us staying a member.’ Perhaps UKIP will now affiliate to the Labour Party.
Farage’s statement proves that the issue with the right wing is not merely ‘sovereignty’ and ‘independence’, but more profoundly the desire to see the working class of Europe smashed before they take part in any European Union.
Tory leadership hopeful, Doctor Liam Fox spoke up Wednesday night, from Washington, even before Blair.
He called for US-UK intervention into the EU to modernise it.
It was now time for the US and UK to ‘lead the way economically’, he argued, and the US needed to play a crucial role in encouraging EU reform.
He added: ‘We need to turn away from Chirac’s view of Europe in a multi-polar world – creating a Europe apart from and rivalling the US,’ said Dr Fox, who like Blair, wants a Europe under the thumb of George Bush.
In Brussels, Blair for his part insisted: ‘I am a passionate pro-European. I always have been. . . This is a union of values, of solidarity between nations and people, of not just a common market in which we trade but a common political space in which we live as citizens.’
Blair’s ‘common political space’ is the EU state, but he is too cowardly to call it by its name.
He again emphasised: ‘I believe in Europe as a political project. I believe in Europe with a strong and caring social dimension. I would never accept a Europe that was simply an economic market. . . Political Europe and economic Europe do not live in separate rooms.’
Blair then unveiled his fundamental credo, his main belief: ‘The USA is the world’s only super power.’
He added: ‘But China and India in a few decades will be the world’s largest economies, each of them with populations three times that of the whole of the EU. The idea of Europe, united and working together, is essential for our nations to be strong enough to keep our place in this world.’
He wants to see a European imperialist power, second only, but subservient, to the United States.
He warned against huddling together, ‘hoping we can avoid globalisation.’
He said we must not ‘shrink away from confronting the changes around us,’ and if we did so, ‘then we risk failure. Failure on a grand, strategic, scale.’ The message is that we have to embrace globalisation, and like the saying about rape, if it is inevitable, even learn to enjoy it.
He added once again: ‘The issue is not about the idea of the European Union. It is about modernisation.’
The charlatan Blair then argued that the people of France and Holland had not rejected the EU constitution, insisting that ‘the constitution became merely the vehicle for the people to register a wider and deeper discontent with the state of affairs in Europe. I believe this to be the correct analysis. . . If so, it is not a crisis of political institutions, it is a crisis of political leadership.’ The issue is, out with Chirac and in with Blair and Mandelson, to ‘modernise our social model’. It is to be out with the 35 hour week and in with the 48 hour plus week, with privatisation and deregulation everywhere.
This is just what the workers of France and Holland voted against. To implement Thatcherism all over Europe will demand a civil war against the working class. This will ignite socialist revolutions, and the replacement of the bankers’ and bosses’ EU by the Socialist United States of Europe, in which the capitalists will be expropriated, the economy nationalised, and production planned for people’s needs.